The photograph shows Maori men, women, and children arranged for a group portrait on the porch of a whare or wharenui (meeting house) in New Zealand. This ceremonial structure, also called a talking house, and the marae (grassy area in front of it) are central to Maori social order and culture. These typical sacred structures are monuments to tribal ancestors and places that bridge past and present generations. The gathering of children shown in the photograph represents the transmission of a sense of belonging to the lineage and cultivation of that linkage in the new generation. The house represents the sheltering, physical or bodily presence of the family's ancestors in the life of their living descendants. Each part of the structure symbolizes a tribal ancestor's being. At the apex of the gable is a carving called the koruru, or "face of the ancestor." The ridgepole represents the spine. The carved ends of the bargeboards represent the hands of the ancestor, with its design split into fingers. The roof with its outstretched arms embraces the generations of the family within.The interior rafters holding up the roof are the ribs, and the interior space represents the chest and belly where people gather. Carvings and woven wall decorations are also symbolic of the ancestral lineage, recording history through their art. The meeting of the family in the house is an act of remembrance and solidarity extended to all of its members. In the shadow of the ancestors, children would witness important family celebrations and discussion of important decisions.

This historic photograph is featured on a New Zealand postage stamp because of its importance as an element of indigenous cultural heritage. It was taken between 1880 and 1920 by Frank G. Carpenter (1855-1924) or Frances Carpenter (1890-1972). He was an American traveler and writer on cultural anthropology and geography and his daughter Frances illustrated his writings with photographs. Their collection of about 16,800 photographs and 7,000 glass and film negatives is currently housed at the Library of Congress, Washington DC.

Although early issues of the School Journal drew extensively on a British literary heritage and reinforced imperial values, even in its first year of publication by the New Zealand Department of Education (1907), there were stories, articles and poetry authored locally and written about the colonial heritage and environment. That early creativity was submerged during and after World War I by preoccupations of empire, patriotism, nationhood, grammar and good behavior. Yet even in this period, when the four-part School Journal contained few illustrations and was mundane in both appearance and content, contemporary accounts emphasized that its monthly distribution in primary schools, free of charge, was eagerly awaited by many children who had little access to books or libraries.

In 1939, however, under the inspired direction of newly-appointed Director of Education, Clarence Beeby, a School Publications branch was founded within the Department and the School Journal was transformed. Its primary focus was clear and consistent: to foster a love of reading and to engage children's curiosity and imagination. With editorial direction largely by literary figures and regular contributions from many of the country's leading writers and artists, curriculum issues and creative impulses have continued to co-exist in the publication. While not rigidly formulaic, the content of each Journal has generally been 5-10% poetry, 40-55% stories, 15-20% articles, and 15-20% plays. The mixture of fantasy, realism, folk tales, and historical topics has also been carefully balanced. Contemporary social trends are reflected in both text and image, as with the Journal's recognition of immigration patterns and the greater cultural diversity of New Zealand society since the 1970s. Topics warranting more detailed treatment, such as the Treaty of Waitangi, have generally been explored by contract writers in more detailed Bulletins, also produced by School Publications (until 1989 and thereafter in the newly-created entity, Learning Media).

In his recent centennial history, A Nest of Singing Birds: 100 Years of the New Zealand School Journal (Learning Media, Wellington, 2007), author Gregory O'Brien noted the contrasting sets of values which had been explored at different phases of the publication's existence. In 1908, and reproduced in 1917, the virtues extolled were "faith, courage, duty, self-discipline, fair dealing, even justice, good citizenship, loyalty, patriotism and sympathy," all to be applied in the service of Empire. In 2005, however, the educational values to be upheld in the Journal, without being overtly didactic, were those of: "diversity, community, respect and care, equity, integrity, environmental sustainability, enquiry and curiosity, and excellence." Both the visual and textual content, of the post World War II issues particularly once color could be used, reflect the major cultural and social changes that have occurred in New Zealand and elsewhere during these decades yet the primary emphasis remains that of encouraging children to engage imaginatively with the world around them.

This extract from an annual report on Native Affairs reflects two realities of the 1870s: the on-going disruption of indigenous communities caused by settler and state demand for land acquisition; and the diversity of Maori experience, even within one tribal territory. The colonial commentator is clearly critical of "Natives" who, acting as representatives for their tribe, squandered the proceeds of land sales, rather than sharing them. Traditionally, land was communally owned. Government legislation to encourage individualization of land tenure caused deep divisions within tribes between those in favor and those opposed to alienating their land. Moreover, the initial legislation did not recognize the rights of more than 12 owners for any block of land. The operations of the Native Land Court exacerbated a complicated and difficult situation, with Maori owners generally disadvantaged in the process.

In the colonial context, progress was defined in terms of Maori adoption of European practices. Many observers believed that this was the only option facing the "dying race." Initiatives that promoted the "Europeanization" of Maori were therefore applauded by the colonial government, as is apparent here with the reference to the "industrious" group which has provided schooling for its children.

Designated children's pages became quite common in regional newspapers in the early 20th century, providing a range of stories, news items, illustrations, quizzes, poetry, and competitions, with occasional contributions from children themselves. Since 1886, however, pages written for and by children headed "Dot's Little Folk" had appeared in the weekly Otago Witness, under the editorship of William Fenwick (not to be confused with eminent older brother, George, who controlled the influential Otago Daily Times). Just over a decade later, in 1898, the popular New Zealand Farmer magazine, edited by Gerald Peacocke, developed a similar children's feature section entitled "Children's Post Office." Both Fenwick and Peacocke took a personal interest in the contributions of youthful correspondents and were successful in fostering a sense of club membership. "Dot's Little Folk" ("DLF") received badges, chose their own pseudonyms (but had to supply their full names and addresses), and frequently acknowledged each other at community functions. As with "Uncle Ned" of the "Children's Post Office" page in the Farmer, "Dot" would often print a short response at the end of a correspondent's letter. It was not commonly known at the time that Fenwick and Peacocke were the first "Dot" and "Uncle Ned" respectively. After the Otago Witness ceased publication in 1932, the Otago Daily Times carried on the "DLF" tradition until the end of that decade.

"DLF" contributors wrote in from all over the country, though the majority of correspondents came from farms and small settlements in the lower South Island. The "Children's Post Office" also had colony-wide input. Very few correspondents were Maori. The costs of paper and postage, shyness, and the challenges of writing in a second language may have been some of the reasons for the cultural imbalance.

The overt moral tone of the advice reproduced on page 51 of this particular diary was neither unusual nor exceptional for the period. Similar sentiments were to be found in the schoolbooks of the era, many of which were produced and distributed by Whitcombe and Tombs, the country's largest publishing house at the time. Their standard history text for primary schools during the 1930s, Our Nation's Story, was essentially about British and Imperial history, and contained constant reference to the public school values which were thought to underpin Britain's greatness. Similarly, the state-funded and universally-distributed School Journal, begun in 1907 (and continuing still), promoted literacy and a love of literature while also emphasizing, in the interwar years, the obligations of citizenship.

Immediately following the Code of Honour, Pocket Diary users were challenged to test themselves. The headline read: "What is your moral worth?" Several of the questions – and 'yes' was the answer expected for all of them – were essentially an unsubtle rephrasing of parts of the Code. Hence: "Do you prefer fresh air to tobacco smoke, pure water to alcohol, good plain food to rich sweet rubbish, wholesome books, plays and pictures to filthy ones?" Yet, despite the emphasis on Christian doctrine apparent in two of the first three questions, the fourth promoted an inclusive and tolerant approach. "Are you prepared to allow others perfect freedom in religious belief, however much they may differ from you?" The Reading Lists that followed included Robert Louis Stevenson, Charles Dickens, Edmund Burke, Walter Scott, and Jane Austen. The Book of Job, Isaiah, Psalms, and Ecclesiastes were key recommendations from the Bible. Few of the 40 authors listed were not British.

Going to school was a universal experience for New Zealand children during the 20th century. Most attended locally if they were not at a boarding school, and the Special and Correspondence Schools served those who were disabled, ill or, living in isolated conditions. By 1910, the numbers of Maori children in public schools outnumbered those enrolled in the country's Native schools. The two systems merged in 1969, though church-run institutions, for Maori and Pakeha, continued to be independent of the state for some time. Education was therefore the core means by which the state could have an influence on children's lives. Linked school medical and dental services worked in all communities and school buildings and facilities were often utilized for neighborhood events.

With a secondary education becoming freely available after 1936, increasing numbers of children had the required minimum two years at a high school. In country areas, one such institution would draw pupils from all of the elementary schools in the district; in urban areas, with a greater density of population, high schools served as a centre for adult education classes after hours. Urbanization of the Maori population opened up access to higher education. Many of the young leaders of the Maori protest movements of the 1960s were the first members of their families to attend a university. Yet the Maori cultural renaissance of the following decades also developed from "flax root" educational initiatives, especially the formation of pre-school kohanga reo (language nests). By the end of the 20th century, students could choose to receive all of their education in the Maori language, in contrast to the beginning of the century, when Maori could not be used in a classroom. (Authorities had maintained that total immersion in English during school hours was the only way for Maori language speakers to master the curriculum.)

These tables give details on three health-related facets of young New Zealanders' lives as interpreted from data recorded in the 1996 Census: levels of educational qualification in school leavers, unemployment rates, and youth mortality. The selection reflects a particular area of public concern, namely the high number of deaths, among young males especially, from suicide, self-inflicted injury, and motor vehicle accidents. In 1996, the suicides of young people aged 15-24 years, represented 26.6% of total suicide deaths, yet that age group was only 15.6% of the total population. Although the number and rate of youth suicide declined between 1995 and 2000, the Maori youth suicide rate continued to be approximately 50% higher than the non-Maori rate. (See: Youth Suicide Prevention Information New Zealand.) The definition of young New Zealanders reflects social and political changes over recent decades, most noticeably the expectation of a longer period of financial dependency. The calculations for tertiary student allowances, for example, initially took parental income into account until a student turned 25. Yet the legal drinking age was reduced from 20 to 18 in 1999, and youth can apply for a restricted driving license at the age of 15. There is some inconsistency in defining the ages of transition from child to youth to young adult.

Cultural contexts are significant when considering the links between education, employment and the health of young New Zealanders in the second half of the 20th century. Ethnically, New Zealand society became more diverse in this period, with two major changes being the migration of Pacific Island peoples during the 1960s, and new immigrants from Asian countries from the 1980s onwards. While the different levels of educational attainment account for some of the disparities, diffidence and difference also influence employment rates for cultural minorities.

This particular news report is drawn from a collection gathered by a Waikato University undergraduate student, Pauline Hunt, when investigating the hazards of life for colonial children during the 1880s. Her unpublished study concentrated on two regional newspapers, the New Zealand Herald, published in Auckland; and the Waikato Times, printed in Hamilton. The types of accidents, fatal and non-fatal, reported during this decade included: drownings; injuries involving horses; burns from fire and scalding water; poisonings, frequently from youngsters chewing the phosphorus head on matches; falls from trees, over cliffs, into disused mine shafts, and off a house balcony; gunshot accidents; attacks by animals; and work-related injuries or death involving machinery or moving vehicles, such as tramcars or horse-drawn drays. Water, horses, and fire were the three most common causes of accidental injury or death for those under 15 years of age. (Disease, infanticide, neglect, cruelty, or assault were not included in the research project.)

Only a very few reports made reference to Maori children; the majority dealt with Pakeha whose communities were, by the 1880s, becoming dominant in the region. Daily or weekly papers were the principal means of disseminating local, national, and international news. The columns devoted to accidents gave a wealth of medical detail, including explicit descriptions of the injuries, and sometimes concluded with an expression of sympathy for the family. Warnings or words of advice were frequently printed as well. Both language and content reflect contemporary attitudes concerning the need to keep children safe. Communities as well as parents needed to protect the "social capital" that their youngsters represented.